Balochistan within and without
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Posted on
2012-07-29
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By Mir Mohammad Ali Talpur
Prime Minister Raja Pervez Ashraf, addressing the National Workshop on ‘Balochistan situation: perceptions and realities — the way forward,’ organised by the military-run National Defence University (NDU), in Islamabad, warned that if the “unrest in small pockets” is not quelled immediately, it may seep into other areas. Later, downplaying it, he added that unrest in “small pockets” couldn’t be equated with an insurgency.
He was wrong on both counts: there is insurgency and it is widespread — and little wonder the establishment is extremely perturbed and nervous.
Let’s examine insurgency in Balochistan’s context. Balochistan is presently experiencing political as well as armed insurgency. Political insurgency as a rule is more pervasive in depth and scale, hence more debilitating for the state. Political and armed insurgencies always complement and supplement each other in a deadly combination. Insurgency is defined as “an organised movement aimed at the overthrow of a constituted government through the use of subversion and armed conflict.” Insurgencies and guerilla warfare are often assumed to be synonymous with terrorism but the key difference is that an insurgency is a movement — a political effort with a specific aim and this sets it apart from terrorism. The ultimate goal of an insurgency is to challenge the existing government for control of all or a portion of its territory, or force political concessions in sharing political power. The Baloch insurgents are challenging the state for political and physical control of Balochistan.
Insurgencies require active or tacit support of some portion of the population involved; Baloch insurgency enjoys widespread support as proved by the government’s failure to contain it in spite of the extremely repressive measures.
Baloch nationalists, realising that slow track genocide and demographic changes envisaged by mega projects like Gwadar could soon turn them into a minority in their own land, made a conscious choice of using force to counter threats to their survival as a nation because they realised historical and political arguments for their right to independence were futile as the powers that call the shots here heed nothing but force.
Baloch nationalism is not a new phenomenon as the natives have always determinedly defended their land against the invaders as proved by their resistance to the British colonialism. All Baloch identify themselves with the anti-colonial struggle and take pride in it. The international political events in the first quarter of last century buttressed Baloch nationalism with political awakening and helped it transcend the tribal barriers and it gradually became truly national in spirit and substance.
Insurgency in Balochistan has persisted since 1948 with varying degrees of depth and intensity. Over time Baloch attitudes and resolve have been hardened and strengthened by the continuous and arrogant disregard of their rightful demand of control over their political future and resources. The present phase is to date the hardest fought and widespread and, like each preceding one, is on a qualitatively higher stage in all respects.
This widespread and protracted political and armed insurgency cannot be airbrushed as ‘perpetrated by foreign-inspired elements’. It mirrors the intensity and scale of the resentment and desperation of Baloch people at the repression and deprivation and underlines their wish for a radical change.
The forced illegal annexation of Balochistan to Pakistan in March 1948 further galvanised the Baloch nationalism and their national struggle acquired truly political character. Each new state aggression resulted in more widespread identification with aims and goals of freedom struggle from diverse strata’s of Baloch society. The July 15, 1960 hanging of seven Baloch martyrs in Hyderabad and Sukkur Jails after summary military trials gave further impetus to the nationalist dream of an independent Balochistan and led to Mir Sher Mohammad Marri and Ali Mohammad Mengal’s struggle in Marri and Mengal areas respectively.
However, it was the February 1973 illegal dismissal of Sardar Ataullah Mengal’s elected government by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and consequent military operation which truly ignited the Baloch freedom struggle and has seen the uncompromising stance for freedom become the primary nationalist goal.
The present phase began with the arrest of Nawab Khair Bakhsh Khan and his supporters on trumped-up charges of murder of Justice Mohammad Nawaz Marri in January 2000. Then the murder of Nawab Akbar Bugti in 2005 followed by that of Mir Balach Khan Marri in 2007 put paid to any chances of reconciliation.
With Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) inaugural in March 2008, its first test on its commitment to resolve Balochistan issue came in the form of SardarAkhtar Mengal’s continued detention and it failed miserably. Arrested in November 2006 for alleged mistreatment of two army intelligence operatives by his attendants, he remained incarcerated till May 2008 in spite of PPP’s promises. They could not release him without army’s consent. All civilian governments are beholden to ‘military will’ and cannot decide independently on Baloch or Balochistan.
The PPP government has only paid lip-service to the resolution of the Balochistan problem with promises, offers, amnesty and toothless commissions. The Baloch have suffered worst atrocities during its tenure and Raja Pervez Ashraf’s recent utterances do not bode well.
The state’s misgivings against Baloch, who have always been viewed with suspicion, have now become more entrenched and uncompromising. There is a reason behind the uncompromising attitude of the state regarding Baloch. The ‘establishment’ has Balochistan’s valuable real estate and resources as its only priority — and this is a replication of its folly in Bangladesh.
This flawed and dangerous establishment’s Baloch policy is too entrenched, too consolidated and too committed to even allow measures which would give the nationalists an excuse to at least agree to talks. Through the army’s financial, commercial and strategic interests in Balochistan, it manages economic projects like Chamaling and Kasa Hills marble projects and even stage manages the August 14 celebrations, preclude any voluntary roll back of present repressive and uncompromising policy or allowing the civilians to have a say in affairs there.
An amicable and peaceful solution of the Baloch issue based on the projected desire of the civilian government or the political opposition leaders is unachievable as long as military’s stake and influence in Balochistan not only continues to overlap the civilian control but in fact supersedes it — as is borne out by Balochistan’s governor, chief minister, speaker and sundry ministers public accusations that the Frontier Corps runs a parallel government in Balochistan.
The Supreme Court, powerful enough to depose a prime minister finds itself helpless against law flouting and stonewalling FC. In spite of hard evidence of FC involvement in abductions and killing of Baloch no one has been charged. The FC is stonewalling to avoid giving up its arbitrary powers and this precludes termination of ‘dirty war’ against Baloch anytime soon.
An ineffective Aghaz-e-Huqooq package and the lame NFC awards are not enough to deflect the resentment and outrage at the ‘dirty war’ being waged against the Baloch. In the last 18 months alone, more than 500 bodies of abducted Baloch have bloodied the province’s landscape. The Baloch stance, too, has naturally hardened and found expression in the present sustained and widespread insurgency. With the situation as it stands, there hardly is any hope of an amicable solution in foreseeable future. The establishment doesn’t understand that repression and ‘dirty war’ tactics are certainly not the way forward in Balochistan. (Courtesy: The News on Sunday)
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